Mariana Martinez | MAGA: Roaring twenties 2.0?

“This will truly be the golden age of America,” Donald Trump claimed in a near victory speech delivered in West Palm Beach, Fla., on Nov. 6. Trump’s main premise throughout his campaign was to “restore America to its greatness.” If the 47th president of the United States wants to turn America into greatness, he has a lot of road to cover. America is not what it was at the start of the 21st century. 

Many people will state: America was never great. Perhaps it’s true. It could be argued that the U.S. was built on other countries’ struggles: Vietnam, Chile, Japan in 1945, the list goes on. Even within America, marginalized groups faced hardships to attain equal rights and freedoms. 

Yet, in spite of all the blood spilled because of the United States, there was a time, perhaps 10 or 20 years ago when American power was a beacon of democracy, freedom, and justice. From the 1970s to 2013, 35 million immigrants arrived in the United States, as opposed to 22 million immigrants that arrived between 1880 and 1929. Throughout history, America has always looked like the better alternative for people who face challenges in their own countries. We don’t even have to go very far to claim that: My presence at this school is proof of American greatness, lighting hope for people in other countries around the world. 

The “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) movement is based on the idea that the U. S. was once a great nation but has lost its status due to foreign policy involvement and globalization (which has enabled countries like China to rise). Granted, the movement is founded in a lot of white supremacists ideals, sexism, and xenophobia. Yet, MAGA may be right about one thing: The U.S. was once a great nation, if we look at it from terms of international power. 

From the post-war era up to the beginning of the 21st century, America held a privileged position globally. The U.S. established an international order that provided economic stability, security, liberal democratic values, and protection of the global commons. This framework came to be known as “Pax Americana,” and it benefited those who followed the American order. 

Organizations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) guaranteed security for a great array of countries, and the World Trade Organization (WTO) and International Monetary Fund became responsible for sustaining the economy. Given the logic of collective action, it could be argued that many small countries in the developing world were able to join this wave of liberalization: thanks to those institutions that helped frail economies enter a market under frameworks such as currency pegs that would allow for foreign investment and participation in global trade more confidently. Even today, the relevance of institutions like NATO in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is clear. And we can even see how the United States is viewed as a major provider of security by countries like Israel. 

However, there has been a certain disenchantment with the United States, between the 1990s and the start of the 21st century. The established American order set in motion contradictions that have resulted in increased social inequality and so-called “forgotten workers” of the lower, rural classes throughout the developing world. This is especially true for Latin America, where there has been a lean towards leftist populist governments, called the Pink Tide, known for their anti-Americanism that seek to redeem the forgotten lower classes. The rise of this leftism in the U.S.’ own backyard is proof that their liberal order is not as solid as it used to be. As Trump assumes the presidency with his MAGA ambition, Latin America will become a key arena for political struggle. If he wishes to bring the region under the U.S.’ sphere of influence once again, Trump will have to battle to re-establish Latin American faith in the U.S. This not only applies to Latin America but other countries in the Global South who’ve grown tired of the American order and might turn to another power providing new multilateral opportunities for growth and development. 

Without other countries under its sphere of influence, America is rendered powerless and its empire will wane. The “Pax Americana” that made America so powerful and great would have never been possible without the Global South and their collective action problem being solved. For example, countries in the Global South didn't have resources to invest in international organizations enabling them to trade fairly and safely: United States participation in the WTO helped provide that. In turn, the United States has been able to establish frameworks of international law that benefit their political interests.  

Thus, Trump’s isolationism and America First policy directly contradict the idea of “Making America Great Again.” America's greatness largely depended on other countries’ willingness to participate in said established order and reverence for their leadership. If Trump intends to pull away from institutions like NATO and even the WTO, this will inevitably cause another rising power to take the lead of international politics, undermining the once great American power as countries in the developing world might follow the new hegemon. 

This is the case with China, for instance. As the United States has been concerned with pulling away from globalization and focusing on less trade multilateralism, China has been forming coalitions with other emerging nations, known as BRICS+, to strengthen and take the lead of the once built American order. China has been trying to make the yuan the dominating currency and initiatives like Belt and Road Initiative or the Asian Investment Infrastructure Bank are proof of a more proactive desire to integrate other nations into a new order they seek to establish. 

If Trump wants to “Make America Great Again,” he must remember how largely it depends on other countries’ obedience and response to America. He should be proposing, not isolating, competitive alternatives to China’s brand-new, alluring institutions. Right now, the United States is at risk of being replaced by China, and this depends not on China or the United States, but rather on how other countries—especially those in the developing world—respond to their respective world orders and authority. In simple terms, an empire can only exist as long as it has subjects. 

Finally, it is important to acknowledge that right now, American values seem to be all over the place. What  was crystal clear in the 1960s—democracy, freedom, and justice—now just seems to be erratic attempts by the U.S. to survive and bring their hegemony back to life. It is noticeable that America has no set of “liberal” values as it once did. Contradictions flood the international scene. The U.S. stands against an illegal occupation in Ukraine but does not acknowledge that of Gaza. The U.S. claims to fight for democracy, yet Venezuela collapses under an authoritarian regime in their own backyard. American identity in the international community is just not clear anymore. 

Only time will tell whether America will be great under Trump’s presidency. What could be another period of great prosperity could also unfold into American downfall. Trump has a huge challenge ahead if he wants to rebuild the golden age that once was. Most importantly, he must be willing to acknowledge how much American greatness depends on its relations with other nation states in the global scene. 

MARIANA MARTINEZ is a College sophomore from Bogotá, Colombia. Her email is marmari@sas.upenn.edu.